Proceedings of the Sixth Workshop

The sixth workshop was held from 16:30 to 18:30 on May 24, 2018 at Osaka City University.

Presentation by PENG Hao

The co-investigators in our project,PENG Hao(Associate Professor, Graduate School of Literature and Human Sciences, Osaka City University) ,gave a presentation about his research. 

Junk Trade and Local Community in Early-Modern Nagasaki

      Peng’s research field was early-modern Nagasaki trade. His presentation included two discussion points. The first was about the social relations in the Chinese Residence (tōjinyashiki or tōkan); the second was about the working conditions and organization of the trade-related laborers.

      The presentation began with the explanation of the Chinese Residence, which was established in 1689 as an isolation settlement to accommodate the visiting Chinese. Previous studies generally divide the Chinese in the settlement into two classes: merchants and sailors. Peng argued that several figures among the crewsthe chief and senior navigators (huozhang and tuogong) and the men in charge of the general affairs (zongguan)belonged to the middle class due to their income and consumption level. He also demonstrated that the merchants and sailors had different territorial connections dating back to the mid-18th century; most merchants came from Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces, but the sailors generally came from Fujian province. Peng mentioned that social relations based on class and territorial connection were intertwined in the Chinese Residence society.

      The latter part of the presentation focused on trade-related labors and the labor-service agencies. Like other trading ports, Nagasaki required large-scale mobilization of physical labor, particularly for the movement of cargo, which was off-loaded by stevedores (hiyō or hiyatoi) from trading vessels onto sampans (nikogibune) for transport to storehouses ashore. When a junk entered the harbor and trade was permitted, neighborhood officials would hire stevedores through their leaders (hiyō-gashira) and rent sampans via several special agencies (nikogibune-sahainin). The stevedores and sampan sailors often joined other fields like retail or agriculture to earn income.

Q & A Session

      The first question was about the scale of the Chinese Residence. It was explained that the Chinese Residence covered approximately 30,000 m2 and the population was thousands during the junk trade era, but shrunk steadily to hundreds at the beginning of the 18th century. Another question was about the differences between the Dutch trade and the junk trade. The response was two-fold. First, the Dutch merchants were forced to live in the Dejima, an isolated artificial island separate from the Chinese Residence nearby. Second, the neighborhoods of the city undertook most services related to the junk trade. In the Dejima, trade-related services were mainly delivered by the Dutch interpreters (rantsuji) and Dejima compradors (shoshiki-urikominin). The following question was on the role of some essential figures like hiyō-gashira, nikogibune-sahainin, and fune-gashira

      Finally, the discussion shifted to the features of the junk trade in a broad context, especially the perspective of “the trade without empire”. Peng argued that perspective seemed to be based on an attempt at comparing the junk trade with the trade by famous charter companies like the East India Companies. Those companies were prominent in world history, and they seemed to be affected by a kind of European-centered historical view. Peng ended the presentation by explaining that even though there was no diplomatic relationship between the Qing Empire and Tokugawa bakufu, both regimes paid attention to and tried to reap incentives from the junk trade.


第6回 国内個別セミナーの活動記録

 第6回国内個別セミナーが、2018年5月24日(木)16:30から18:30頃まで、大阪市立大学文学部棟会議室(L122)で開催された。今回は担当研究者の一人である彭浩氏(大阪市立大学・准教授)が報告を行った。

彭浩氏の報告

「近世長崎の唐船貿易と地域社会」

 近世の長崎貿易に関わって、唐館の社会構造や荷役日雇・荷漕船の動員体制や存在形態などについてみていく。

 まず、長崎の貿易制度の変遷や、各町が順番に務める宿町の機能についてみた上で、唐館(唐船を単位とした、唐人が長崎に滞在するための宿泊施設)の社会構造をみていく。従来は上層(船主などの商人層)・下層(その他の乗組員)という分け方であったが、下層とされていたもののうち夥長・総管・舵工は中間層で、下層は水手を中心とする一般船員や、商人の召使たち、と区別するべきである。船主層は主に江蘇省・浙江省出身者であるのに対し、乗組員層の多くは福建省出身者であり、唐船単位を超えて地縁でつながっているグループも存在するなど、唐館での階層関係と地縁関係は複合的に絡み合っていた。

 次に、荷役(唐船・蘭船の荷の揚げ降ろしに関わる作業)を担う日雇についてみていく。荷の運搬は、荷漕船の所有者である船頭と1~2名の水主を1単位として行われた。荷漕船の手配は、各唐船の宿町の役目であり、荷漕船差配人を通じて惣町規模で船頭(船頭が所有する荷漕船・船頭が雇う水主もパッケージになっている)を雇った。荷漕船の水主は、船方の仕事だけでなく、日雇稼ぎや行商・農作業など多様な分野で流動的に生計を立てていた。これは貿易都市長崎における下層労働力の一般的な存在形態だったと考えられる。

質疑応答

 質疑応答では、唐館社会の規模についての質問があり、面積は約3万㎡、人数的には初期には数千人、後には数百人くらいで、およそ半年ほど滞在するものだったと答えた。また、唐船と蘭船の違いについての質問には、居所は唐人屋敷/出島、日本側で関係するのは宿町/蘭通詞や諸色売込人、などの違いがあると答えた。また、史料に関わって、日雇頭は下層といえるかとの疑問が出され、荷漕差配人や船頭等も含め、水手のような下層とは区別が必要であろうとの議論があった。また、唐船貿易の特徴に関わって、「帝国なき貿易」という考え方についての意見を求められ、長崎貿易については日本側は国から請け負った者が、制限された相手と貿易をしていることや、この表現にはヨーロッパ中心的なニュアンスが含まれることに注意が必要、などの議論が行われた。